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I first heard about BDS through Sabeel’s “Morally Responsible Investments” book in 2004. I wrote an article in 2006 (“The Israeli Occupation and the Churches—the Right to Criticize and Divest?”). I have also addressed the topic in 6-8 op-eds in Norwegian newspapers, for correcting the impression that boycotting the occupation is viewed as anti-Semitic or identical to boycotting Israel.
There is no doubt that the antisemitism accusations have been harder and harsher, and it does require some courage even to call for a narrow BDS, that is, targeting those benefiting from the occupation. Note that we do not use the term BDS, but rather, “economic measures against Israel’s occupation.”
There have been attempts of referring to the Norwegian experiences during the 1940-1945 occupation, but that is generally not successful. A better approach, as I see it, is to focus on all situations of occupation. I, myself, have been working against the Moroccan occupation and Norwegian companies benefiting from resource extraction from Western Sahara.
Religion without liberation and justice for the oppressed is inadequate religion. The BDS movement needs to stress that this is not against a particular religion or a particular people, but against those who are willingly contributing to upholding occupation and furthering dispossession, in contravention to international law.
Religion without liberation and justice for the oppressed is inadequate religion. The BDS movement needs to stress that this is not against a particular religion or a particular people, but against those who are willingly contributing to upholding occupation and furthering dispossession, in contravention to international law.
I heard about the BDS call after summer 2005. I heard it as a very strong and broad challenge from the Palestinian civil society to the global solidarity movement (including faith communities, unions, peace activists, solidarity movements, etc.) and to states to use a nonviolent approach to put pressure on Israel to comply with international law and international resolutions.
I was happy to hear about the BDS call and the strong support it gained in the Palestinian civil society. I understood the call to invite all possible international actors to be creative about finding ways of using BDS to end the illegal occupation and annexation of Palestinian land.
I cannot recall if BDS was immediately taken up by the religious communities/structures, but mostly within the solidarity movements. However, it gradually became an issue within churches. The position of the Church of Norway has always been clear to discourage any involvement (trading, investments, purchase of products) that are coming from settlements or supporting the establishing and sustain of illegal settlements in occupied territories.
There has been very strong opposition to BDS as a tool against Israel. The comparison to the boycott of apartheid South Africa has been strongly rejected, and BDS campaigning has been accused of de-legitimizing Israel and its right to exist. Others have used more pragmatic arguments to reject BDS like, “it doesn’t work” or, “it will only affect negatively on the civilians, Palestinians and Israelis.” It is also felt that the risk of destroying and ending the inter-religious dialogue between Christians and Jews, which is very necessary and welcomed in itself, has been limiting both the further progress on BDS and also the practical implementation of even a “soft BDS” through broad campaigns.
Because BDS has been seen and is still seen as antisemitic, very few Christian leaders and ecumenical organizations have publicly positioned themselves as supporters of BDS as it is understood from the perspective of the BDS movement and from Kairos Palestine.
Some years ago we agreed that the Kairos movement had the potential of building a united and global campaign on BDS. The big and unique potential of BDS as a political tool against Israeli occupation and breaking of international law would be if Palestinian civil society and international civil society could come together in a unified and targeted campaign. The Palestinians never came up with any suggestions as to how such a unified global campaign could be. The potential of global ecumenical movements is if they are mobilized to speak with one voice. A practical BDS campaign could be a way of speaking with one voice. But this requires the local Christian communities of Palestine to come together with one consolidated strategy for how and on what the global community should be mobilized.
There has been very strong opposition to BDS as a tool against Israel. The comparison to the boycott of apartheid South Africa has been strongly rejected, and BDS campaigning has been accused of de-legitimizing Israel and its right to exist. Others have used more pragmatic arguments to reject BDS like, “it doesn’t work” or, “it will only affect negatively on the civilians, Palestinians and Israelis.”
"Y Norway" believes in justice as the basis for all peace and reconciliation. We support a process where loving pressure is put on the part that does not comply with international law. Therefore we took a position to support a broad boycott of Israeli products in 2011.
The BDS movement is all about freeing the oppressed and the oppressor. Israel will destroy not only Palestine if unwilling to implement the international law, but also destroy themselves. BDS is protected by freedom of speech. It is an effective, peaceful, non-violent and loving tool of resistance that aims at placing Israeli under pressure to comply with and respect international law. Although we faced some pressure for different parties in Norway as a result of supporting BDS, we believe that we gain much respect from our people and the civil society groups for using the slogan of "BDS by Love." ~ YMCA/YWCA Global, Norway
...we believe that we gain much respect form our people and the civil society groups for using the Slogan of BDS by Love.
The Student Christian Movement in Norway (SCM Norway) was early on clear on its stand on Palestine. SCM Norway is a member of the international movement World Student Christian Federation (WSCF). In 1968 the WSCF adopted a clear support to the Palestinian liberation. It was stated that peace could not be achieved until the occupation was put to an end. This was a year after the Six Day War when Israel had demonstrated total military superiority.
In 1975 SCM Norway was involved in the establishment of “The Palestine front” and in 1976 “Christians for Palestine” was established. Christians for Palestine and SCM Norway arranged demonstrations, meetings, services of solidarity, visits to and from Palestine and they were vocal in the public debate through the 1980s. The group drew much attention, because the common understanding of Christians automatically supporting Israel was shaken.
Through the 1980s and 1990s the public opinion on the Israel/Palestine conflict shifted. The Labour Party, the unions and more Christians supported Palestine. The later years the Church of Norway’s opinion has changed as the support to the Palestinian liberation is much more common.
Since 2008 SCM Norway has been in close contact with its sister organisation, Palestine Youth Ecumenical Movement (PYEM). The two SCMs organise yearly exchanges with visits to and from Palestine. SCM Norway is also supporting a Women’s centre in Abu Dis, that employs women and provides training in rights as women living under occupation.
SCM Norway has adopted a full boycott of Israel, economic, academic and cultural. The reason for the academic boycott is the Israeli academia’s involvement in the Israeli occupation, when working closely together with the Israeli military. Also, Palestinian students are facing difficulties while traveling between campuses on the West Bank due to the wall and the checkpoint and the contact between universities in Gaza is denied by Israel.
In 1975 SCM Norway was involved in the establishment of “The Palestine front” and in 1976 “Christians for Palestine” was established. Christians for Palestine and SCM Norway arranged demonstrations, meetings, services of solidarity, visits to and from Palestine and they were vocal in the public debate through the 1980s. The group drew much attention, because the common understanding of Christians automatically supporting Israel was shaken.
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